Education Between Equality And Social Reproduction Sociology Essay


Are abilities and work all pupils need to make good in school? Many modern-day societal minds, such as Jay Macleod ( 2009 ) , Kozol ( 2010 ) , Lareau ( 2010 ) , and Granfield ( 2010 ) , would reply yes to this inquiry. In fact, they suggest that apart from academic ability and difficult work, other constituents need to be added to the equation of success. They argue that, in the United States, one map of instruction is continuing cultural capital and reproducing societal category places. The American educational system is normally seen as an classless and promising way through which all kids are able to procure a bright hereafter and therefore win in life. Although schools and instructors are seen to be committed to disputing all pupils to shine- whatever their abilities, race, societal and cultural background are- we shall see in this short paper that they are non histrions of equal chances but instead instruments for perpetuating societal inequalities in the American society of today.

Arguably, societal inequality is a basic facet of practically all societal patterns in our lives, including instruction. Understanding basic sociological phenomenon, such as societal reproduction and cultural capital, will assist us better grok why and how our society is working the manner it is. After intensive fieldwork within the American educational system, many sociologists discovered how widely spread the societal reproduction theory effects are. Social reproduction theory argues that kids are inclined to turn up populating lives that are in many ways similar to those of their parents. Based on the societal reproduction theory, kids born and raised in a peculiar societal, cultural, and economic environment have no manner out of that environment ( Macleod 2009:11 ) . Of class, one would believe that many factors could take to such a phenomenon but reproduction theoreticians tend to fault the reproduction of capitalist societal dealingss on instruction and instruction merely ( Macleod 2009:11 ) . Equally flooring as this might be, the apparently trusty establishments parents send their kids to are non as honest and democratic as they believe. In fact, they are active histrions of conveying category places and perpetuating societal stratification and inequalities.

Because they are both really related, one can non perchance speak about societal reproduction without adverting the construct of cultural capital and its relation to instruction. In the theoretical position background of his descriptive anthropology, MacLeod presents the cultural capital construct as Pierre Bourdieu ‘ most important work in the field of sociology ( 2009:13 ) . In the context of the cultural reproduction theory, cultural capital is defined by as being “ the general cultural background, cognition, temperament, and accomplishments that are passed from one coevals to the following ” ( MacLeod 2009:13 ) . Therefore, this theory recognizes that cultural capital is transmitted and inherited from one coevals to the following and that it occurs in all societal categories. In fact, each societal category has its ain cultural capital which is passed on from parents and instructors to kids.

Yes, instructors are involved in the cultural capital transmittal because, through the power of schools, they participate in perpetuating societal inequalities. In the article “ Making it by Forging it ” , Granfield ( 2010 ) exposes the world of working-class jurisprudence school pupils and their relationship with the dominant upper-class civilization. Propertyless pupils in jurisprudence school find themselves out of topographic point because their personal cultural capital does non fit the civilization of the establishment they attend. Through this interesting survey, Granfield implied that, sometimes, people have to suit themselves to the environment they live in, in order to win ( 2010 ) . Here, what is meant by success is the achievement of the educational end these pupils set up for themselves, which, they discovered, was non meant for people from their background. This is a really functionalist position because it pictures society as a set of groups doomed to reproduce themselves, every bit long as they function good in society. Granfield ‘s survey suggests that it is possible to step out of one ‘s ain group by ‘faking it ‘ ( 2010 ) . In other words, is one desires something that is non ‘intended ‘ for his or her societal category, he or she will hold to alter in order to map with the system. The system does non alter, but people have to suit.

The issue of how one views his future life is a sensitive and private 1. Many would speak about it with no restraints but many others will ne’er candidly squeal how they truly imagine their big life. Although I find MacLeod ‘s and Granfield ‘s statements to be compelling, I have some restraints when seeking to believe in them because I think the sample they base their analysis on might non truly stand for the population studied. While many statements have been made to convert about the legitimacy of societal category and location in determining occupational aspirations, I think there a batch to add to the equation. Yes, socioeconomic constructions and civilization are of import in determining one ‘s aspirations. However, presuming that public schools are every bit accessible to everyone, there is no ground why one group should be more optimistic than the other. Education is the lone key to success, I believe. Before the kids get an instruction, the parents have to be educated, or at least cognizant of what instructions represents, in order to well back up their kids. The attitude of the parents, I think, shapes the aspirations of the kids. This is what my personal experience has lead me to believe.

Although this theory explains many macro flat phenomenons, exclusions ever exist. In this last portion of the paper I will portion my personal educational experience: I am from Tunisia- smallest North African state with a really high literacy rates among work forces and adult females. With all modestness, I was ever in the top of my class. The Tunisian educational system is really much like the Gallic one, in which competition is to a great extent emphasized. Since the first class until the 13th, there is changeless ranking among categories, classs, schools, and territories. And at the terminal of high school, Baccalaureate scores set all pupils in a national raking, which determines who gets in which university. Although they have the pick, those with the highest tonss ever end up traveling to the schools which require the highest tonss, by and large those in the medical field or technology. Because my male parent Teachs at the medical school of my metropolis, my grand-father is the first eye doctor of the town, and I am specialized in scientific disciplines, everyone believed I was traveling to be a physician. Furthermore, I was the laureate of my high school in the Baccalaureate of Sciences, so I had the mark fulfill the ‘ultimate dream ‘ . Why would non I go?

The way towards being a physician seemed to me at that clip really ‘cliche ‘ . The perennial attitudes of people bothered me a batch. Why did everyone seem to believe I was already in medical school? After detecting the constructs of societal reproduction and cultural capital, I can eventually joint what was go oning to me at that clip of my life. Obviously, I did non stop up in medical school, and this is the ground why: As mentioned before, I do non like to fall into cliches. In my 2nd twelvemonth of high school, I had the chance to travel survey in the United States for one twelvemonth as an exchange pupil with the State Department. During that twelvemonth I was a senior in an American high school, populating with an American host household, and take parting in national conferences for foreign pupils. Many of my friends got in the plan and were granted the scholarship, but merely my parents agreed. At 16, really few Tunisian misss would be allowed to travel abroad for one whole twelvemonth. Like Crow Dog ‘s experience ( 2010 ) , the plan did non let me to travel place for the whole twelvemonth, talk my linguistic communication, or even receive Tunisian friends and household for a visit. Besides, cyberspace and phone usage were limited. Acerate leaf to state, that twelvemonth changed my life. More than that, it changed my position.

Subsequently, I learned that my parents in secret believed I was traveling to give up shortly after my going. They did non halt me because they did non desire to be the ground of my possible letdown. I had ups and downs, but every clip I considered traveling place, the image of all the people who disapproved my parents discouraged me. I did non desire to give them the satisfaction of seeing me behave as they predicted. During that twelvemonth, I discovered a new manner of instruction and acquisition, a new linguistic communication, and a new civilization. Suddenly, I saw the eternal chances in the universe that I would hold ne’er seen if I merely followed the chief watercourse. Although before my American experience I truly wanted to go a physician, I feel that now I was made to believe that manner. I had to pass my two last old ages of high school in Tunisia with pupils who are one twelvemonth my junior ( because the school system is so different, the Tunisian authorities does non acknowledge American credits ) . Again, I faced a civilization daze as I found myself non suiting in anymore. Gradually, I grew aware of the universe around me and that is how I decided to wholly drop my possible medical calling for another field: political scientific discipline. At that clip, Tunisia was a absolutism where no 1 dared to talk about political relations. Needless to state how my household reacted to that determination. Again, my household did non prohibit me from prosecuting my dreams, as they knew it would take to no good. Now that Tunisia is democratising, political scientific discipline surveies are the new medical surveies.

Even thought this paper discusses educational in the United States in its relation to societal reproduction and cultural capital, comparing it to the Tunisian educational system unveils the American exceptionalism. Since its independency from France, the Tunisian authorities to a great extent invested in a free instruction for all. Education represents for Tunisians the lone mean for success as I have seen many kids of husbandmans, amahs, and others from disadvantaged people become successful histrions of the society of today. Because the authorities decides and imposes what is taught in schools, all kids receive the same instruction. Therefore, discrepancy in academic success is truly merely related to ability and difficult work. Surprisingly, with this classless educational system, forms have evolved. Like cultural capital in America, academic forms have taken over Tunisian pupils aspirations. For case, my brother, with the same male parent and grand-father as myself, was ne’er expected to go a physician. In fact, he was ne’er really good at school. Notice here the importance of accomplishments and ability in determining people ‘s life ends. Based on the surveies discussed in this paper, I see no uncertainty on the power and effects of societal reproduction and cultural capital in determining kids ‘s aspirations. Because the United States is such an old democracy, the society has increasingly made its manner into the establishment of instruction. Possibly, it is non the instance in Tunisia because the generalisation of instruction is merely six decennaries old, and that the society has non yet taken over all the establishments. Possibly, in a few coevalss, Tunisia will go like the United States.